International Quarterly of Foreign Relations

International Quarterly of Foreign Relations

The Arab League: Continuity of Institutional Incompetence

Document Type : Original Article

Author
Javad Sharbaf
1. Professor of Political Science, West Asia & Africa Department, Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran
10.22034/fr.2026.542183.1703
Abstract
The Arab League can be regarded as one of the most significant active regional organizations. In the eighth decade of its existence, this organization has endured a range of experiences in its efforts to foster unity among Arab countries. The emergence of this cohesive Arab axis in one of the world's most crisis-prone regions could have served as a powerful incentive for improving conditions in the regional states. The emergence of this relatively cohesive Arab institutional framework in one of the world’s most crisis-prone regions could have served as a strong incentive for improving regional conditions. The initial enthusiasm for Arab solidarity and unity, following the outbreak of the first major crises in the Arab world and the exposure of national–Arab contradictions, gave way to fragmentation and the prioritization of national interests over the illusory notion of collective Arab interests. The central concern of this article is to understand the process of the League’s emergence and its persistence and continuity after eight decades. The main research question addresses the reasons behind the durability and survival of the Arab League, as well as the interests derived from its continued existence. It also seeks to examine whether the League can continue along its current trajectory or whether its inherent and structural deficiencies prevent it from overcoming internal and external crises. Institutionalism has been employed as the theoretical framework for analysis in this article. Furthermore, the study hypothesizes that the structure designed based on Arab identity represents a political construct marked by internal contradictions. This structure is neither aligned nor compatible with the national interests of political systems possessing distinct and particularistic identities; consequently, it suffers from chronic inefficiency and ineffectiveness and has, in practice, failed to resolve the problems of the Arab world. The institutionalist approach has been utilized for theoretical analysis in this article. The research findings indicate that this structural ineffectiveness has persisted and has had no profound impact on alleviating Arab countries problems.

Extended Abstract
The present article aims to critically rethink the functioning and status of the Arab League, examining the reasons for the persistence of problems and crises in the Arab world even after the establishment of this union. The institutional inefficiency of this regional organization after nearly eight decades is the main topic of the article. The main issue of the research is not merely the occasional failures of the Union in managing intra-Arab crises, but rather the persistence and reproduction of this institution's structural inability over time. The article attempts to show that the Arab League, contrary to the goals stated in its charter, has failed to become an effective institution for political integration, conflict resolution, and regional crisis management. This situation is rooted in its institutional design and identity foundations, rather than a result of external conditions or temporary disagreements.
The main question of the article is why the Arab League has continued to exist despite the lack of effective achievements and the continuation of intra-Arab crises, and whether this institution fundamentally has the capacity to overcome chronic inefficiency. The research hypothesis is based on the premise that the Arab League was founded from the beginning on a constructed political and elite identity of "Arabness" that is structurally incompatible with the pluralistic reality of member states and their national interests. As a result, rather than seeking to resolve crises, this institution has become a tool for the symbolic management of disputes, maintaining the status quo, and legitimizing the policies of dominant governments.
In the introduction section, the article reviews the historical context of the establishment of the Arab League in 1945 and shows that the institution was formed in the context of the collapse of the Ottoman order, the end of World War II, and the geopolitical considerations of the colonial powers. Contrary to popular idealistic narratives, the Arab League was a product of the pan-Arab aspirations of political elites and the efforts of powers like Britain to organize and control the political space of the Arab world. The linkage between discursive unity and the preservation of fragile national sovereign states created a fundamental contradiction in the structure of the League from the beginning, one which was intensified over time.
The article then shifts its focus from purely political or ideological disagreements between Arab states to the institutional capacity and decision-making mechanisms of the Arab League. The author shows that simply addressing ideological divisions, geopolitical rivalries, or conflicts of national interests without analyzing the institutional structure of the League would not be an accurate analysis. Therefore, the main focus of the article is to examine why the Arab League, even in circumstances where there has been relative political consensus, has been unable to translate decisions into effective action.
In the research literature section, classical and contemporary works related to the Arab League are critically reviewed. This review shows that since the first years of its establishment, there have been serious doubts about the effectiveness of this institution. Many researchers have emphasized the lack of binding instruments, the lack of enforcement guarantees for approvals, the existence of authoritarian governments, the lack of democracy, and the dominance of the logic of national sovereignty over collective Arab cooperation. The current study differs from previous studies in that it analyzes the ineffectiveness of the Arab League not as an "accidental failure" but as a stable and reproducible institutional situation.
The theoretical framework of the article is based on institutionalism, specifically liberal institutionalism. According to this framework, regional institutions are able to play an effective role when they have binding rules, a dispute resolution mechanism, a monitoring system, legitimacy, and tangible common interests that are superior to national interests. Relying solely on Arabism cannot be a suitable substitute for national interests. By applying these components to the structure of the Arab League, the article shows that this institution suffers from serious weaknesses in most institutional indicators. Principles such as absolute non-interference in domestic affairs, consensus-based decision-making, lack of executive guarantees, and lack of financial and human resources, as well as internal polarities, have effectively turned the Union into an ineffective and powerless institution.
As for examining the League’s performance and achievements, the article acknowledges some of the Union's limited successes—including the establishment of diplomatic frameworks, the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, the recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the establishment of specialized cultural and economic institutions—but emphasizes that these achievements have neither been stable nor have they been able to alleviate the structural crises of the Arab world. In contrast, the failure to manage crises such as intra-Arab wars, the Arab Spring, the Palestinian issue, and the Qatar crisis presents a clear picture of the Union's institutional incompetence.
The article then analyzes a set of internal factors weakening the union, including ideological discords, competition for leadership in the Arab world, economic divides, religious disagreements, conflicting positions towards regional and trans-regional actors, and widespread dependence on external powers. The main argument is that these disputes become deadlocked when the Union lacks an effective institutional mechanism to manage them. The Qatar crisis is a prime example of how the Arab League has been unable to play an effective mediator role even when faced with a limited dispute between a few members.
In the final section, the article concludes by proposing the concept of “formal Arab institutionalism” that the Arab League, rather than being an institution for achieving Arab unity, has become a symbolic framework for managing conflicts and a symbol of legitimizing the primacy of national interests. In this framework, Arab identity is a political construct that is easily discarded if it conflicts with the interests of states.
The conclusion of the article emphasizes that the continued ineffectiveness of the Arab League is not due to the lack of the idea of unity, but rather the result of a structural incompatibility between the claimed identity and the political reality of the member states. Without fundamental reforms in institutional design, adjusting the principle of consensus, strengthening executive mechanisms, and redefining the relationship between national sovereignty and collective interests, the Arab League will remain an ineffective institution whose role is limited to issuing statements and symbolic crisis management.
Keywords
Arab League
Institutionalism
Arab Identity
National Interest
Arab Unity
Subjects
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