Abstract



The research examines the geopolitical position and strategic importance of the Eastern European and Balkan region within the framework of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The central question of the article is why and how the Islamic Republic of Iran has prioritized this region in its foreign policy, particularly in the context of diverging from Western Europe and amid the geopolitical transformations of the new international order. This study, relying on a descriptive-analytical method and through the lens of constructivist theory and soft power, presents three main hypotheses: first, that this region, as a geopolitical corridor, provides a platform for diversifying Iran's external links and reducing the impact of Western sanctions; second, that the Islamic Republic seeks to activate its soft power components through historical and cultural commonalities, especially in countries with Muslim communities, creating a form of identity convergence with these societies; third, that the structural complexities of the region and the critical approach of some of its governments toward Western hegemony have created a favorable environment for advancing Iran's strategic goals. Analysis of case studies related to Iran's relations with Serbia and its interactions with Hungary supports the notion that the Islamic Republic's foreign policy in this region is a blend of geopolitical rationality, leveraging identity ties, and diplomatic opportunism. The findings of the research indicate that despite achieving some positive results at cultural and political levels, Iran's practical influence faces serious challenges due to structural limitations, geopolitical rivalries, and ongoing pressures from Western powers. Nevertheless, the Eastern European and Balkan region remains a key pillar in the multifaceted and resilient foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran.



extended Abstract:





Introduction: The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward Eastern Europe and the Balkans has, in recent years, been regarded as a key strategy for diversifying international relations and mitigating the impact of Western sanctions. This research employs an analytical-descriptive approach within the framework of constructivist theory to examine the geopolitical position and strategic significance of this region in Iran's foreign policy.

Research Question: The central question explores why and how Iran has prioritized the Balkans and Eastern Europe in its foreign policy, particularly in the context of divergence from Western Europe and the evolving international order.

Research Hypotheses: The present study is based on three main hypotheses. First, the Balkans and Eastern Europe serve as a geopolitical corridor that facilitates the diversification of Iran's foreign relations and mitigates the impact of Western sanctions. Due to its unique geographical location, this region is considered a bridge between Iran and Central Europe. Second, through historical and cultural commonalities—particularly in countries with Muslim populations such as Bosnia and Albania—Iran leverages its soft power components to foster identity convergence. Third, the region's structural complexities and the criticism of Western hegemony by certain governments, such as those of Serbia and Hungary, have created a favorable environment for advancing Iran's strategic objectives.

Research Methodology: The methodology of this research is based on a qualitative analysis of secondary data, including official documents, foreign policy statements, analytical reports from research centers, and academic articles. Employing thematic analysis and interpretive discourse analysis, official texts and statements by officials have been examined within the framework of constructivist concepts such as identity, meaning, and soft power. Case studies of Iran's relations with Serbia and Hungary have been selected as prominent examples: the former representing political-strategic cooperation, and the latter illustrating economic-technical interactions.

Result and Discussion: Upon reviewing the research background, it is worth noting that although sporadic studies have been conducted on Iran's foreign policy in the Balkans, most have been limited to case reports. Some of these studies have examined Iran's bilateral relations with countries such as Hungary and Serbia. In contrast, others have highlighted the role of Iran's cultural diplomacy and soft power in the region. Nevertheless, there is a serious gap in providing a structural and systematic analysis of the position of this region in Iran's grand strategy. The present study seeks to fill this research gap by combining structural and discursive analyses and using the theoretical framework of constructivism.

The findings of the research show that Iran has used three main axes to advance its goals in the region. In the dimension of cultural diplomacy and soft power, Iran has tried to present a positive image of itself as a supporter of Islamic-Iranian identity by emphasizing civilizational commonalities and supporting Muslim communities, especially in Serbia and Bosnia. Programs such as the establishment of Persian language chairs in Hungarian universities, the holding of cultural weeks, and the awarding of scholarships are clear examples of this strategy. In the realm of official diplomacy, Iran's relations with Serbia on the sensitive issue of Kosovo and cooperation with Hungary in the economic and technological fields indicate Tehran's efforts to establish strategic ties outside the framework of the West. At the third level, Iran has created space for diplomatic maneuvering by taking advantage of the gaps in the Euro-Atlantic order and focusing on countries such as Serbia and Hungary that have a more independent foreign policy.

The case studies of Serbia and Hungary show Iran's strategic differences in dealing with the countries of the region. In Serbia, which has a bitter experience of NATO interventions, Iran emphasizes political convergence and a discourse of common resistance to the West. Meanwhile, Hungary, despite being a member of the European Union, has focused more on non-sensitive economic and cultural cooperation. This flexibility is a reflection of Iran's multifaceted strategy in the region.

The analysis of Iran's strategies in the Balkans shows that Tehran's approach is a combination of geopolitical rationality, exploitation of structural opportunities, and identity-based diplomacy. However, this strategy faces serious challenges. The structural dependence of the countries of the region on the West and their desire to converge with the European Union and NATO have limited Iran's room for maneuver. On the other hand, the active presence of rival powers such as Turkey with the discourse of neo-Ottomanism, Russia with its emphasis on Orthodox Slavic identity, and China with powerful economic tools has reduced the possibility of Iran's independent influence. Resource constraints and weaknesses in sustainable institution-building are other obstacles facing Iran's foreign policy in the region.

The results of the research indicate that although Iran's foreign policy in the Balkans has had symbolic and tactical achievements in the short term, it has not been able to lead to lasting and profound results due to structural limitations. All three hypotheses have been confirmed: the Balkans have served as a geopolitical corridor to reduce Iran's isolation, soft power tools have been effective in creating identity convergence, and structural gaps in the regional order have provided opportunities for Iran's activism.

In order to sustain and strengthen this strategy, it is suggested that Iran focus on several basic axes. The development of scientific and technological diplomacy can be effective in attracting the young generation of the region. Strengthening media narratives in local languages and building sustainable cultural networks is essential. Also, expanding economic cooperation in non-sensitive areas such as agriculture, health, and new technologies can reduce dependence on political developments. This research shows that Iran's foreign policy in the Balkans, rather than an alternative strategy, is a project of resistance and flexibility against the hegemonic order of the West, which requires continuous revision of tools and strategies.

Conclusion: According to the findings of this study, it can be claimed that the Balkan region and Eastern Europe have a special place in the framework of Iran's foreign policy grand strategy. This importance is not only due to the geopolitical position of this region as a bridge of communication with Europe, but also due to its cultural and historical capacities in creating convergence with the discourse of the Iranian Resistance. Recent developments in the international system, especially after the Ukraine war, have doubled the importance of this region for Iran. The rifts in the European Union and the emergence of currents critical of Western liberalism in countries such as Hungary and Serbia have created new opportunities for the expansion of Iran's influence.

From a future perspective, the success of Iran's foreign policy in the region will require attention to several key factors. First, the necessity of approximating cultural and religious approaches to the needs of the young generation of the region, who have been educated mainly under the influence of Western values. Second, the importance of developing economic relations in the form of joint investment projects that can create lasting ties beyond political relations. Third, there is a need to be smart in managing relations with rival powers in the region, such as Turkey and Russia, so that common ground can be used to create temporary alliances. Finally, this study suggests that Iran's foreign policy in the Balkans should change from reactive to active and consolidate its presence in the region by designing long-term plans and cultural-economic institutionalization.